kurdistanmedia

Thursday 29 October 2020
Democratic Party of Iranian kurdistan's Central Website

Mustafa Hijri: For us, twisting the petition of the Islamic Republic of Iran is a serious goal

16:00 - 27 December 2019

Democratic Party of Iran Executive Officer Delivers Speech on the Situation of Iranian Kurdistan in the European Union.

We and the "other" Iranian government.

Iran is a diverse geographical and multiracial territory comprised of at least six large nationalities and several different minorities and population groups.  Each of these nationalities has their own ancestral characteristics and land.  One of these nationalities is that part of the Kurdish nation that resides in the provinces of Ilam, Kermanshah, Orumiyeh, Sanandaj, and other areas of this geography, making up about 10 percent of Iran's population.  Although these nationalities are recognized as minorities by Iranian government policy, they comprise the majority of Iran's geographic population as a whole.

But due to its history of liberation struggles and the high level of national awakening, since its inception Kurdistan has since become a field of resistance and defense known as the "fortress of liberty".

On August 19, 1979 Khomeini declared jihad against the Kurdish people, saying that the fatwa still remains in place.  As a result of this policy, the identity and security of the Kurdish nation has been exposed to a serious threat that encompasses various dimensions and aspects.

Although national oppression has prevailed over all oppressed nationalities, in Kurdistan this oppression takes on an extra dimension.  Within the context of national oppression, non-Farsi communities and habitats have taken on the face of repressed and occupied geography.

The meaning of National oppression is a set of conditions in which, based on economic, political, social and security criteria and in comparison with the center, areas of non-Persian nationality are oppressed and discriminated against and exploited.

The centrality and centrality of the ideology of Iranian nationalism has created a situation in which the identity of the center is at odds with the identity of others.  From this point of view, any decision or process centered on the existence and survival of the Kurdish nation and other nationalities has directly implicated their identity and security.  The government in Iran has an undemocratic, imposing and occupational sense and has always strived to plunder and seize all the resources and resources of nationalities.

 Opposition to the right to self-determination, systematic repression, the lack of any opportunity for free and legal political activity, the seizure of Kurdish capital and resources and the transfer of them to central areas, the forced exodus of inhabitants and the attempt to change the demographic structure of Kurdistan, the mass influx of officials and  Officials and non-Native leaders affiliated with the Revolutionary Guards and the security forces, marginalize the Kurdish elite, daily killings of Colonels and businessmen, target environmentalists and civil rights activists and women's rights activists, execute and imprison activists, and the Kurdish fighters, the transfer of water resources, destruction of the environment and burning of Zagros forests and mine planting in border area, militarization of towns and villages, security of offices, training centers, mosques and public places are examples to prove the fact that the relationship based on occupation and exploitation cast a shadow over Kurdistan. 

The imposition of an ideological educational and media system is meant to institutionalize the notion that Iran consists of only one nation and that other nations are ethnic and subcultural. The assimilation and transformation of language, culture, history, and customs is generally an attempt to disrupt and melt them, which is reflected in the media, textbooks, theater, cinema, and security and cultural projects. The interesting point is the institutionalization of the policy of denial and exploitation within Iranian law.

An important criterion that is significant in relation to oppression and discrimination is the issue of economic and social development and related issues. In the contemporary era, the center has always sought to change the demographic structure of nationalities, to keep them underdeveloped, and to deprive them of the standards of living of today.  Proceeds from Iran's mono-productive economy and public funds are spent on security, cultural and military projects aimed at preventing nationalities from achieving their goals. The regime's own official statistics are another criterion for assessing and estimating this imbalance.  For example, Ilam province ranks first in Iran in terms of self-immolation of women and other citizens.  Kermanshah province has the highest unemployment rate. Other cities and areas of Kurdistan have suffered the most in these areas and some other crises compared to other areas of Iran.

National oppression in Iran is based on two bases: first, the structure of government, law and political power; and the second, includes the so-called opposition, intellectuals, academics, and theorists of Iranian conception and Iranian chauvinism, whose task is to produce the necessary discourse (context necessary to theoretically nourish on oppressive government to justify over a hundred years of exploitation. and text to nourish the theory. Part of the so-called Iranian opposition, rather than worrying about the overthrow of the current political regime, is in misplaced anxiety over the future of Iran's territorial integrity, and the hidden fears are clearly visible within their writings, positions and views.

The door of national interest of Iran is always on the heels of the sovereignty and superiority of a particular nation. Any issue related to their totalitarian desire is considered national, progressive and formal and given a legal aspect. In contrast, what is relevant to the areas of nationality is considered local, retarded, informal and illegal. Central chauvinism is defined as nationalism, religious democracy, Iranian nationalism, and civil nationalism, in contrast to the call for freedom and the national and democratic movement of others is referred to as sectarianism, ethnic nationalism, stigmatization, alien dependence, secession and transgression of national security boundaries and it is called sovereignty of central.

These are, in fact, the true essence of the center's discourse, whose historical traces can be seen in theorizing of ancient Pahlavi chauvinism and later in the Islamic Republic.

In the Islamic Republic, Islamic Iran is a concept that, through the hegemony of the Persian language, has defined a particular reading of a particular religion and a return to the values ​​of Islamic civilization, and has produced a special literature and text based on it.  National oppression is mainly created by drawing the boundaries of inequality between the center and others and has geographical, economic, political, institutional, cultural, linguistic, biological and religious aspects.  It is in this political and intellectual environment that the access of the majority of the people to the rights of the Farsi minority is blocked and opposed as severely as possible.

Depriving nations of their rights, humiliating and forming a sense of exploitation and lawlessness, discrimination and repression have been institutionalized directly, indirectly, structurally, and legally.  It is this set of circumstances that has added to the depth and scope of the contradictions, divisions and gaps between the center and oppressed nationalities across the geography of oppression and occupation.

Although we, as the Kurdistan Democratic Party of Iran, look at the national question from the perspective of national identity, there is no hope for the Kurdish people and other nationalities even from the administrative and civil rights perspective.  For this reason, from the point of view of a sense of responsibility towards our nation, we continue to emphasize the substance and substance of our national rights.

The baseless mentality based on the centrist reading of nationalities has created a national security crisis for others. The persistence of such a situation is a natural lever and an effective factor in liberating the Kurdish nation and other oppressed nationalities from this bottleneck. The current situation is a dead end by all means, in addition to the massively intertwined political, economic, social, environmental, and administrative crises, the national question of nationalities remains unresolved.

All this and many other factors, and the center's insistence on pursuing such a policy and inaccurate program, has severely undermined the prospect of the Kurdish people and other nationalities remaining at their will and peacefully in a united and united Iran.  As a result, the desire for separation among others in the center is on the rise and has become the dominant discourse among a significant portion of their public opinion.

The opposition to the Kurdish nation and other nationalities and the will to resist and resist the center must be analyzed and evaluated in the context of their continued struggle and struggle at critical junctures in the Islamic Republic.  The most recent example of this resistance was the recent mass protests and uprisings that, according to Amnesty International reports, most of the repression and casualties belonged to the geography of oppressed nationalities, especially in Ahwaz and Kurdistan.  These events were a turning point and a determining factor that widened the breadth and depth of the gap between the center and the oppressed nationalities.

For us, as much as twisting the petition of the Islamic Republic of Iran's life is a serious goal, the national question and democracy are two major policies and two enduring principles.  But more importantly, it is a transition from the rationality that seeks to replicate the experience of the royal and Islamic regimes.  Therefore, we believe that emancipation from the current political stalemate and the establishment of an efficient and accountable system in the future require further rationalization.  The past has shown that whenever a political system collapses in a multinational state and any such state breaks down, it results in over-centralization of power and discrimination and denial of others, which ultimately explodes with dissatisfaction and anger and radicalism.  It has revolutionized the oppressed nations.

The Kurdish people and the "others" of the Iranian government are seeking sovereignty and the right to determine their own destiny in any way they can.